James Hogg (ca. 1770–1835)
Scottish poet and fiction writer. Hogg was familiarly known as the “Ettrick Shepherd”, owing to his youth spent as a shepherd in Ettrick Forest. Later, when a successful writer, he returned to the area, dividing his time between Edinburgh literary life and a farm, Altrive, in the Yarrow Valley in the Scottish Borders (Hughes, James Hogg, 134, 150, 153). The farm lay near to Abbotsford, the residence of Hoggʼs friend, the novelist Walter Scott, in Selkirkshire. If the Brontë siblings viewed Hogg as a colorful, colloquial contributor to the dramatized repartee of the “Noctes Ambrosianae” of Blackwoodʼs Edinburgh Magazine—an influence on the childrenʼs collaborative and competitive writing, and an encouragement to “bravado” and “swagger” (Alexander, “Readers and Writers”, 62, 67)—Ruskin knew Hogg as a contributor to the Annuals and Other Illustrated Books, such as Friendshipʼs Offering, and an affirmation of benign paternity associated with the georgic and poetic landscape of Scotland.
Hogg met the Ruskin family personally sometime between January and March 1832, when he undertook his first visit to London (specifically, probably between 14 January and 19 February, when John James Ruskin was not away from home, traveling to customers [see Burd, ed., The Ruskin Family Letters, 1: 260 n. 9], and even more likely between 14 January and 8 February, Johnʼs birthday, as explained below). In a later letter thanking John James Ruskin for his hospitality, Hogg mentions meeting Mrs. Ruskin and John, but not Ruskinʼs cousin, Mary Richardson. Hoggʼs purpose in coming to London was to arrange for a collected edition of his prose fiction, the Altrive Tales. His mission was tied to a significant phenomenon in British book publishing of the 1820s and 1830s, the production of accessibly priced, but well produced, uniform editions of collected works of modern British writers.
Hogg had long sought to publish a collected edition of his tales, which would complement his two collected editions of poetry, but he was now emboldened by the success of a new plan pursued by his friend, Walter Scott (1771–1832), and by Scottʼs publisher, Robert Cadell. Hoping to tap into a popular market, Scott and Cadell conceived the magnum opus edition of the Waverley novels, which offered consumers monthly volumes of accessibly priced, yet handsomely produced, uniform volumes of the novels, each freshened with a new preface by the author, and each embellished with a few engraved illustrations.
At the very modest price of five or six shillings per volume, the success of the scheme depended on high‐volume sales to a broad market. Scottʼs venture, which began in 1829, proved so successful that other publishers soon repeated the experiment by profitably reprinting the works of other popular authors. The marketing plan was supported by innovations in printing, especially mass‐producible illustration using steel engraving, which supported a boom trade in Annuals and Other Illustrated Books aimed at the middle class. Ruskin himself would debut in 1834 as a writer for this trade.
Hoggʼs London publisher, James Cochrane, had produced such an edition, collecting eighteenth‐century British novelists, and Cochrane promised Hogg the services of that editionʼs well‐known illustrator, George Cruikshank (1792–1878). Regrettably, the venture came to grief because Cochrane went bankrupt. Cochrane ultimately managed to produce one volume of the projected edition of Hoggʼs tales, a volume that contained not only three of the tales but also (and a precursor to what became a characteristic feature in collected editions of modern writers) an autobiographical “Memoir” by the author; a portrait engraving of Hogg, which served as the volumeʼs frontispiece (created by Charles Fox [1794–1849], an artist who who had contributed illustrations to Scottʼs magnum opus edition); and a cut by Cruikshank illustrating one of the tales (Hughes, James Hogg, 222‐23, 265‐66, 281, 287; Hughes, introduction to Hogg, Altrive Tales, xvii, xxxiii, xxxiv‐xliii).
Later, when Hogg returned to Scotland following Cochraneʼs failure, the author negotiated with a Glasgow publisher, Blackie & Son, who arranged for a reprint series of the fiction, by employing the Glasgow system of “numbers” publishing. In this scheme, books were published in segments, issued monthly in paper covers, so that the consumer of modest means could compile complete volumes over time with small outlays (see Hughes, introduction to Hogg, Letters, 1832–1835, xxxix–xl). In Hoggʼs case, the resulting six volumes of fiction published by Blackie & Son proved a far cry from the uniform edition of the Altrive Tales, modeled on Scottʼs magnum opus edition.
These ambitions and disappointments concerning publishing arrangements are relevant to the Ruskinsʼ acquaintance with Hogg, because the writer became embroiled in these difficulties in the years leading up to Ruskinʼs own introduction to the professional London literary world as “J.R.” In 1829 and 1830, two poems by Ruskin based on his “Description of Skiddaw and Lake Derwent” had already appeared in the Spiritual Times; however, this magazine, which was published by the Ruskinsʼ clergyman and Johnʼs tutor, Edward Andrews (1787–1841), amounted almost to a family affair. The boyʼs continuing facile and prolific poetry composition gave promise of a more ambitious and prominent staging of his talents, and doubtless John James was keenly observant to learn how publishers operated.
As Gillian Hughes remarks, Hoggʼs disappointed expectations reflect the transition between publishing in the age of Scott and the more volatile and confusing print culture in the age of Dickens. Cochraneʼs collapse, which occurred only six years after the bank failures of 1826 had already ruined many publishers, represented the riskier possibilities in publishing that were opening up alongside apparently solid houses like John Murray and Smith, Elder. Hogg presents an exemplary figure for authorship during this transitional period. He was willing to experiment with new ways to reach his public; and despite his relative isolation on his Altrive farm, he had become a literary celebrity by embracing new modes of publication. At the same time, Hogg expressed doubts about the effects of cheap publication on “legitimate literature.” His attitudes were colored not only by his personal professional triumphs and disappointments in his ongoing struggle to support his family‐high fame coupled with great risk, as mirrored in the career of his more august friend, Walter Scott–but also by his hardening Toryism, which resulted from adverse personal experiences during the countryʼs disturbances over the 1832 Reform Bill (see Hughes, introduction to Hogg, Letters, 1832–1835, xli, xxxviii–xxxix).
Meanwhile, in the first quarter of 1832, Hoggʼs London visit was pleasurable and flattering, as the Ettrick Shepherd was widely feted as a literary celebrity—especially, though not exclusively, among Scottish residents. Hogg was known for his poetry and fiction, but he was perhaps most famous for his association with a character, the “Shepherd,” in the Noctes Ambrosianae series in the Edinburgh periodical, Blackwoodʼs Magazine. In his first visit to the metropolis, Hogg was ready to take control over his own public persona. He had already unsettled the complacency of Blackwoodʼs by pursuing the offer by a London publisher, Cochrane, to take on the edition of the Altrive Tales. Now he sent contributions to a new London periodical, Fraserʼs Magazine, which had set out in 1830 to rival specifically Blackwoodʼs Magazine. The connection with Fraserʼs was especially gratifying for Hogg in that the metropolitan periodical did not balk at his irreverence and bawdiness—always an impediment in Calvinist North Britain to granting Hogg his due respect as a sophisticated writer (Hughes, James Hogg, 233–34).
During Hoggʼs visit to London, the circle of Scottish literati who were established in the city had already grown alarmed over the probable state of Cochraneʼs solvency, so Hoggʼs friends attempted to raise funds for the writer. Hogg refused charity, but he consented to a scheme for publication by subscription of a new deluxe edition of The Queenʼs Wake (1813–19), the poem that had first established his reputation. To this effort, John James Ruskin subscribed generously with a donation of £20, asking Hogg in a letter of 8 February 1832 for the honor of being the first subscriber (Hughes, James Hogg, 251–52, 266; Hughes, ed., The Collected Letters: Volume 3, 1832‐1835, 32 n.). It was surely no accident that the date of John Jamesʼs donation was his sonʼs thirteenth birthday. Symbolically, John James was investing his son in modern Caledonian poetry. Moreover, the projected form of the book, a deluxe edition of an established modern classic, reflected the success of another illustrated edition of modern poetry, which Ruskin is believed to have received on his thirteenth birthday‒the 1830 edition of Italy by Samuel Rogersʼs (17631855), which was illustrated by Turner, Stothard, and others. The Ruskins were thus taking a direct part in a distinctly contemporary mode of book production aimed at politely learned middle‐class consumers like themselves. Ultimately, the Queenʼs Wake venture presented a stark contrast with the ongoing best‐seller status of Rogersʼs Italy and his 1834 collected Poems, also illustrated by Turner.
Confessing in a reply to John James that he felt “queer” accepting the donation but admitting to his pressing financial need, Hogg was emboldened by the gift to write to John Gibson Lockhart (1794–1854), the influential editor and the son‐in‐law of Walter Scott, nudging him with ideas for the edition. (The impetus for the deluxe Queenʼs Wake edition was formally urged by the prestigious London firm headed by the Scotsman, John Murray, for whom Lockhart worked as the editor of the Quarterly Review.) Cannily, Hogg insinuated terms for the book, which, he wrote, “should be a work something like The Keepsake with fewer ornaments yet so as to make it a drawing‐room book” (Hughes, ed., The Collected Letters: Volume 3, 1832‐1835, 32, 33). Hoggʼs description shows that he wanted to take advantage of the fashion for literary annuals, publications meant to appeal to middle‐class consumers as presenting allegedly quality samplings of the nationʼs art and literature, while also constituting showy but accessibly priced luxury items for the “drawing‐room”. Hoggʼs citing the Keepsake as an example was strategic, since this annual was among the costliest and most elegant of the many crowding the market (see Hunnisett, Steel‐Engraved Book Illustration in England, 142–43; and Annuals and Other Illustrated Books: The Landscape Annual). As a potential illustrator for the deluxe edition, Hogg dropped the name of the popular artist, John Martin (1789‐1854), whom Hogg met personally during his London visit, and whose work he had encountered and admired in the annuals as well as in the mezzotints by which Martinʼs apocalyptic fantasies were widely disseminated. Hogg also mentioned “some others who would do [an illustration] for me con amore (Hughes, ed., The Collected Letters: Volume 3, 1832‐1835, 33, 7). Hogg appreciated the visual arts, and througout his London visit, he sought opportunities to view exhibitions and converse with artists (Hughes, “Hogg, Art, and the Annuals”, xliv).
Additional subscription funds were collected and eventually sent to Hogg, and Martin did create and exhibit a watercolor drawing based on the tale of Kilmeny, which forms part of the bardsʼ competition in The Queenʼs Wake; however, the planned book ultimately went the way of Hoggʼs other disappointments resulting from his London venture, and the deluxe edition was never published (OʼHalloran, “Illustrations to The Queenʼs Wake, c‐civ). Months later in 1832, John James Ruskin would add his name to another list for publication by subscription–this one for the Facsimiles of Sketches in Flanders and Germany (1833) by Samuel Prout (1783‐1852) (Lockett, Samuel Prout, 74). This publication did come to fruition, and John James was doubtless flattered to be listed among subscribers who included members of the aristocracy, well‐known artists, and other successful professional men. Earlier in the year, he must have been equally proud to lead the way among prosperous Scottish London merchants in supporting Hoggʼs book, an elegant expression of modern Caledonian poetry. Nonetheless, while Proutʼs book proved auspicious in helping Ruskin to envision his own place in the British print production of art and poetry in the 1830s (see Account of a Tour on the Continent), the example of Hoggʼs ill‐fated Queenʼs Wake subscription edition must have worked in part as a cautionary tale. As a representative publishing project of the 1830s, the fading away of the deluxe Queenʼs Wake along with the compromising of the Altrive Tales edition poses a inverse complement to Thomas Macaulayʼs encomium to the 1830 illustrated Italy, which, were it “dug up in some Pompeii or Herculaneum two thousand years hence,” he enthused, “would give to posterity a higher idea of the state of the arts amongst us than anything else which lay in an equally small compass” (qtd. in Rogers, The Italian Journal of Samuel Rogers, 111).
In Praeterita, Ruskin identifies Thomas Pringle (1789–1834) as responsible for arranging Hoggʼs introduction to the Ruskins, and that connection is confirmed by Hogg mentioning in his 9 February 1832 reply to John James Ruskin, thanking him for his subscription, that the donation was delivered by “Mr. T. Pringle”, (Ruskin, Works, 35:93; Hughes, ed., The Collected Letters: Volume 3, 1832‐1835, 33; Garden, ed., Memorials of James Hogg, 246). Pringle, the Scottish poet and abolitionist, had known Hogg since 1811, and he assisted his friend in a number of professional ways during Hoggʼs visit to the metropolis (Vigne, Thomas Pringle, 23; Hughes, James Hogg, 244, 251, 260, 265). Pringle was well situated to lend influence. Since 1828, he had edited the annual, Friendshipʼs Offering, for the publisher, Smith, Elder, a firm that also employed Ruskinʼs cousin, Charles Thomas Richardson (1811–34) as an apprentice. It is noteworthy that the Ruskinsʼ relationship with Pringle appears to have been in place two years earlier than the editorʼs adoption of Ruskinʼs first poems for Friendshipʼs Offering, which were published in late 1834, in the volume marketed for the holiday season of 1834‐35 (see Account of a Tour on the Continent; “Saltzburg”). (Gillian Hughes suggests, however, that Alexander Elder of the Smith, Elder firm may have served as the key figure for expatriate literary Scotsmen in London [Hughes, “Introductory and Textual Notes” to Contributions to Annuals and Gift‐Books, 309‐10], so perhaps it was Elder who orchestrated these connections.)
Pringle and Hogg were contrasting personalities. Pringle implored Hogg to contribute to the first two volumes that he edited of Friendshipʼs Offering, those for 1829 and 1830 (i.e., published in late October or in November, 1828 and 1829, respectively, for the holiday season; see Hughes, “Introductory and Textual Notes” to Contributions to Annuals and Gift‐Books, 309‐10). Yet, Pringle rejected some of Hoggʼs submissions that the editor considered “too broad” in humor, for Pringle vowed “to admit not a single expression [into the annual] which would call up a blush in the cheek of the most delicate female if reading aloud to a mixt company” (qtd. in Hughes, “Introductory and Textual Notes” to Contributions to Annuals and Gift‐Books, 310). Hogg retaliated with satirical verses on the editors of annuals, declaring, in an 1831 poem for Blackwoodʼs Magazine, that “I donʼt like Pringle, heʼs too finical, / And so pragmatical about his slaves” (“The Miserʼs Grave,” qtd. in Currie, introduction to Hogg, Contributions to Annuals and Gift‐Books, xxi). Margaret Ruskin considered even Pringleʼs sanitized results objectionable: “the tales are horrible enough”, and “the poetry very so[,] so I think”, and thus “upon the whole [the annual] does not improve” the readerʼs mind (Burd, ed., The Ruskin Family Letters, 1: 209). Janette Currie remarks, however, that Hoggʼs implied author as a contributor to the annuals was far more palatable to polite readers than the boozing and boistrous persona of the “Shepherd” in Noctes Ambrosianae. Currie speculates that Hogg may have used his writings for the annuals strategically, in order to recommend his paternal aspect to middle‐class readers (Currie, introduction to Hogg, Contributions to Annuals and Gift‐Books, xxvi–xxvii).
Paternity characterizes the persona of the “Ettrick Shepherd” as he appears in the volumes of Friendshipʼs Offering for 1829 and for 1830, volumes that Ruskin probably saw, since at least one of these was presented to him by his cousin, Charles Richardson, at the end of October, 1829 (see letter by Margaret Ruskin to John James Ruskin, 31 October 1829, in Burd, ed., The Ruskin Family Letters, 1: 209). In poems such as “Ballad,” “Verses to a Beloved Young Friend,” and “A Bardʼs Address to His Youngest Daughter”, the speaker exhibits a tender paternal solicitude, which is presented as autobiographical (see Hughes, “Introductory and Textual Notes” to Contributions to Annuals and Gift‐Books, 124‐26, 138‐39, 309‐10). But the poem in these volumes that is particularly germane to Ruskin is “The Minstrel Boy”, which presents an image of precocious youthful poetry in naturalized terms. Hogg composed the poem at Pringleʼs behest to complement an engraved genre subject by C. R. Leslie (1794‐1859) depicting (in Pringleʼs words, describing the picture to Hogg) “a boy of perhaps 7 or 8 years of age with a shepherds pipe in his hand & a highland bonnet & plaid lying beside him”; the boy is “lying in the midst of a scene of wild magnificence” among “woods, hills and waterfalls”. In commissioning verse for this picture, Pringle asked that Hogg connect the image with “the glorious romance of your own boyhood when the spirit of poetry & romance first began to pour over you the visions of fairyland”. Hogg invented a speaker who identifies with the minstrel boy nostalgically, but distances himself with some disillusionment.
The affection for youth that Hogg expressed in these poems is reflected in his letters to his own children; and during his London visit, he cultivated attachments to the children belonging to several of the families who entertained him, including the Ruskins. His 9 February 1832 note to John James Ruskin, thanking him for his subscription to the deluxe Queenʼs Wake, closes with “kindest love to Mrs R and dear John” (indicating that the Ettrick Shepherd must have visited Herne Hill within the first five weeks of his London sojourn). In a letter to Alexander Elder written on 14 January 1833, a year after his return to Scotland, Hogg sent regards to “Mr Ruskie”, declaring “that the old shepherd shall never forget their kindness and warmth of attachments to his interests till his dying day”, and he entreated “to hear from time to time how Mr Ruskie jun. is coming on. Though I am not very fond in general of precocity of talent I must say yon is the most extraordinary callan 1 I ever met with” (Hughes, ed., The Collected Letters: Volume 3, 1832‐1835, 119).
One year lapsed before John James followed up on this remembrance with a letter of 22 January 1834, in which the father evasively explains to Hogg that Alexander Elder had “long since . . . favoured” him “with a sight of part” of the January 1833 letter commending his son, but that meanwhile “sundry hints from our wife, and niece, and son” had been urging reply, since “all indulge in periodical remembrances of the delight your only too short visit offered them” (Garden, ed., Memorials of James Hogg, 273‐74). What John James suggests only indirectly is that he was now prompted to confide in Hogg concerning Johnʼs “precocity of talent”, which Hogg held in high regard despite his reservations about precocity as such.
In his letter, John James says that he has ventured to write because Hogg is a man “of talent and of heart”, whereas “the world at large”, lacks “comprehen[sion] . . . patience . . . feeling . . . delicacy,” and John James dares not entrust others with his “weaknesses, because” he is “not yet willing to be laughed out of them”. Namely, John James declares, “the youth you were kind enough to notice,” his son John, “gives promise of very considerable talent. His faculty of composition is unbounded”. The composition that has finally persuaded John James to bring Johnʼs talent to Hoggʼs attention is Account of a Tour on the Continent. “Last summer,” John James explains, “we spent four months in Switzerland and Italy, of which tour every scene is sketched in verse or prose, or picture” in the “Account”. While he demures over a lack of “any very strong indication of originality” in the writing, John James marvels at his sonʼs “rapidity of composition” and prolific production of “thosands of lines.” John James included as a sample Johnʼs latest “80 or 100 lines” (unidentified), which the boy “produced in one hour, while he waited for me in the city” (Garden, ed., Memorials of James Hogg, 274).
Perhaps abashed by Hoggʼs expression of distaste for precocity, John James hastens to assure Hogg that he and Margaret are not “fostering a poetical plant or genius” in order to be able “to say we keep a poet. It is impossible for any parents to make less of a gift than we do of this, firstly, from its small intrinsic value, as yet unsuspected in him; and next, because we dread the sacrifice of our offspring by making him a victim to the pangs of despised verse, a sacrifice to a thankless world, who read, admire, and trample on the greatest and the best” (Garden, ed., Memorials of James Hogg, 274‐75). Here John James appears to evoke the mythology surrounding Thomas Chatterton (1752‐70), the perished boy poet. While suggestive more of rhetorical flourish than of credible anxiety, the allusion links John Ruskin as an emerging poet to James Hogg as an established poet “of talent and of heart,” who has nonetheless reaped misfortune and abuse along with his fame. At the end of his letter, John James commiserates with the poet for having to retreat from the glare of London with his health compromised, his lifeʼs work having fallen victim to an insecure publishing scheme. “I should like to see your works coming forward in better hands,” John James concludes, referring to the debacle of Cochraneʼs bankruptcy. “You began your memoir so well” (i.e., the first volume of the Altrive Tales, containing Hoggʼs “Memoir of the Authorʼs Life”), “that I feel quite enraged at the stupid bookseller for breaking at such a crisis” (Garden, ed., Memorials of James Hogg, 275).
Thus, John Jamesʼs decision to write a year after Hogg invited news “from time to time [of] how Mr Ruskie jun. is coming on” should perhaps be understood in context of the Ruskinsʼ wariness of the dangers besetting authorship in the publishing culture of the 1830s. As remarks about Charles Dickens, who was starting to formulate his persona of “Boz” at this time, considerable entrepreneurial resources were required in order for an author to “both fuel and stand up to capitalist material and cultural production during the heyday of British industrialism” (Patten, Charles Dickens and “Boz”, 19). Ruskinʼs achievement in Account of a Tour on the Continent, which he was presently composing, and to which his father referred as evidence of serious poetic ability, would shortly lead to Ruskinʼs first significant public commission in the persona of J.R.–the poem “Saltzburg”, composed to accompany an engraving of that title in the annual, Friendshipʼs Offering . . . for MDCCCXXXV, published in November 1834. By the time John James wrote to Hogg in January 1834, the Ruskins may already have been approached by Thomas Pringle, as editor of Friendshipʼs Offering, with the commission for this poem, and John James may have looked to Hogg for guidance as a previous contributor to this annual–and yet as one whose deluxe Queenʼs Wake, planned on the splendid pattern of the annuals, with the expenses partly underwritten by John James himself, had proved a nonstarter. It may have been at about this time, too, that Pringle introduced the young Ruskin as a prodigy to another great man, Samuel Rogersʼs (1763–1855), who by comparison with Hogg presented an almost opposite example of urbanity and success in the new illustrated literary publishing of the 1830s, but who must also have seemed forbidding as a wealthy and influential “man of taste” in his London “palace of art”. In John Jamesʼs appeal to Hogg as a writer “of talent and of heart”, the father may have sought comfort not only from “the world at large”, which lacks “comprehen[sion] . . . patience . . . feeling . . . delicacy”, but specifically from the notoriously acid wit of the batchelor poet/banker of 22 St. James Place.
In a striking contrast with Rogers, who received Ruskin for a stately visit of a few hours to his temple of taste, with its view of the fashionable metropolitan Green Park, Hogg invited the boy for an extended stay at his Altrive farm in Yarrow. The invitation was not unique, Hogg having made such an offer also to the young daughter of his publisher, James Cochrane. Hogg loved children and wielded great charm over them, and he appears to have thought of such visits as invigorating holidays for country‐starved city children in the company of his own “noisy romping healthy brats but good learners” (Hughes James Hogg, 244, 264). On 13 February 1834, John wrote to decline Hoggʼs invitation, explaining that he could not “make up [his] mind to leave [his] parents even for a short time” until he went to university, and that his parents were “equally tenacious” of him. Writing of what might have been, however, Ruskin summons an idyllic myth that frames the nurturing of the emergent writer in a georgic or pastoral setting, like the landscape surrounding Hoggʼs “The Minstrel Boy”. Such mythology probably underwrote John Jamesʼs motives in appealing to the Ettrick Shepherd as a man of “heart” as well as talent.
Writing nostalgically to Hogg about “the blue hills” of Scotland, among which he has “passed some of the happiest days of [his] short life”, Ruskin was doubtless thinking of visits to his fatherʼs family in Perth during the Tours of 1822–25 and Tours of 1826–27, prior to the death of his aunt, Janet (“Jessie”) Richardson (1783‐1828), which interrupted the Tour of 1828. These times in the “North Countrie” were “exceedingly pleasant,” but “can never more return” to him, Ruskin mourns; and having framed this ballad‐like yearning, he goes on to imagine sojourning in the Border country, “the braes of Yarrow, and the banks of Tweed”, in the company of Hoggʼs bairns somewhat in the fantastic manner of one of Hoggʼs supernatural tales, in which a youth wakes among the fairies, as in Kilmeny: it would “be more than [he] can well tell of pleasure” to be able to to wander among the holmes and hills of lovely Ettrick with” the Ettrick Shepherd, “to whom they and Scotland owe much, very much of their celebrity, and to find brothers in his children (for if the children have the loving‐kindness of the father they would be sisters and brothers to me)” (Garden, ed., Memorials of James Hogg, 276‐77).
Ruskin closes by replying to Hoggʼs critique of his verse (apparently lost, along with Hoggʼs invitation to Ruskin to stay at Altrive, which was probably contained in the same letter). Hoggʼs “examination of [his] very worthless rhymes”, as Ruskin puts it, must have been based on the “80 or 100 lines” that John James had sent as a sample–lines therefore written in January 1834 or somewhat earlier, it appears, and possibly intended for Account of a Tour on the Continent. Hogg remarks on Ruskinʼs imitativeness of verse by Walter Scott (1771‐1832) and George Gordon, Lord Byron (1788‐1824). This opinion was shared, Hogg must have said, by a “Mr. Marshall,” who is unidentified, but who was probably Charles Marshall, Hoggʼs amanuensis and tutor for his children, a young man who had taken up residence at Altrive toward the end of 1833 (Garden, ed., Memorials of James Hogg, 277, and see 296‐307 for Marshallʼs recollections of Hogg; see also Hughes, introduction to Hogg, Letters, 1832–1835, 224, 263).